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Globe
and Mail
Friday, November 30, 2001
Last
chance for justice
Four decades ago, Canada nearly hanged a 14-year-old
for murder. New evidence of his innocence should make us reopen
the case, says author JULIAN SHER
By JULIAN SHER
After
four decades, Steven Truscott's story still grips generations of
Canadians.
Three
hundred people came to hear it last month, at a book-reading in
a Guelph, Ont., church. (Guelph is where Mr. Truscott, now a grandfather
of three, makes his home.) In the front pew, a white-haired 96-year-old
woman listened attentively. She was a cook at the prison where Mr.
Truscott spent his teenage years in the early 1960s. At the back
of the church, a 13-year old boy with a hip haircut was also transfixed
-- and proud of the top marks he earned for his school project on
the Truscott case. The vice-principal from Mr. Truscott's school
back in 1959 turned out, as well as childhood friends, neighbours
and even former prison guards who had come to believe in his innocence.
Belief
is one thing; proof is another. But with new evidence in hand, lawyers
for the Association in Defence of the Wrongly Convicted unveiled
their 600-page brief yesterday in Toronto asking Justice Minister
Anne McLellan to reopen the 42-year-old murder case.
Back
in 1959, when Canada still had the death penalty, Mr. Truscott was
sentenced to hang for the rape and murder of Lynne Harper, a 12-year-old
classmate in Clinton, Ont. He was 14 years old. His sentence was
commuted to life and the boy spent 10 years in prison, where, despite
being questioned while under LSD and truth serum, he steadfastly
maintained his innocence. He is still on parole.
The
new evidence presented to the Justice Minister -- uncovered by Mr.
Truscott's tireless wife, Marlene, his legal team and investigative
journalists -- was not available to the jurors who condemned Mr.
Truscott in 1959 and the Supreme Court justices who endorsed the
guilty verdict in 1966. The one man with firsthand knowledge of
much of that evidence passed away just three weeks ago. Harold Graham,
the OPP inspector who arrested the boy and eventually rose to the
force's top job as commissioner, died Nov. 3, at the age of 84.
I spoke
to Mr. Graham several times in the course of researching my book
on the Truscott case. He always declined to be interviewed. Now,
he takes many unanswered questions to his grave.
Why
after the autopsy on Ms. Harper's body on June 11, 1959, did Mr.
Graham issue a handwritten police bulletin estimating the time of
death at 9 p.m. (when Mr. Truscott was safely at home baby-sitting)
-- yet at trial, he and the pathologist instead talked about a time
of death between 7 p.m. and 7:45 p.m., when Mr. Truscott was seen
with the girl?
When
Mr. Graham received a disturbing letter from the same pathologist
seven years later on the eve of the Supreme Court review in 1966,
why did the Crown keep it secret? The doctor told Mr. Graham he
had made an "agonizing reappraisal" of the narrow window he had
fixed for the time of Ms. Harper's death -- in effect reversing
the single-most important piece of evidence that condemned the boy.
Why
did the Crown keep from the jurors crucial testimony from a nine-year-old
girl -- in a statement witnessed and signed by Mr. Graham himself
-- that she saw Mr. Truscott and Ms. Harper make their way down
to the highway on his bike, just as Mr. Truscott claimed? Why did
Mr. Graham and his men dismiss the statement of an elderly woman
who claimed she saw a young girl hitchhiking by the highway, right
where Mr. Truscott insisted he dropped off Ms. Harper?
And
why did Mr. Graham stay silent when the Harpers testified in court
that their daughter was not a hitchhiker? He had surely read the
reports in which Lynne's parents told his officers the night she
vanished that "it was possible she was hitchhiking to her grandmother's."
The
case "haunted him all throughout his term and through his retirement,"
a friend of the former commissioner told a Globe and Mail reporter
when Mr. Graham died. "But to his death, I'm sure he thought [Mr.
Truscott] was guilty."
Many
others today are not so sure. Several newspaper columnists and editorialists
across the country have called on the Justice Minister to re-examine
the case in the light of my recent book and an investigation by
the CBC's the fifth estate. "Truscott deserves that review,"
wrote the Kitchener-Waterloo Record last month. "So does the judicial
system."
Peter
MacKay, the Tory House leader and justice critic, agrees. "We have
an opportunity to undo a historic wrong that continues to be a black
mark on our country's judicial history," says the former prosecutor,
who has raised the Truscott case several times in the House. "There
is tremendous pressure on the minister and I'm going to keep bugging
her."
The
push comes not only from the opposition, but the Liberals' newest
senator, Laurier LaPierre. As a co-host of This Hour has Seven
Days,he wept on camera after presenting a story on the Truscott
case in 1966. "It's seared in our memories," Mr. LaPierre says.
"We almost hanged a 14-year-old boy."
Peter
Steckle, the Liberal MP from the Huron-Bruce riding in Southwestern
Ontario where the 1959 trial took place, says the mood has changed
in the community that once rushed to judgment. "There is a large
acceptance that this man could not have been guilty," says the backbencher.
He has brought up the Truscott case several times with the Justice
Minister. "Exoneration is what we would hope would happen," he says.
"Canada owes him that at the very least."
Ms.
McLellan's own department uses unusually encouraging language in
letters to citizens demanding action: "The Minister of Justice is
very aware of the potential for a miscarriage of justice in Mr.
Truscott's case," the official reply says.
Still,
it is not going to be easy for Mr. Truscott, now 56, to triumph
in this, his last chance for justice. Only one in 100 applications
to the Minister for a review of a murder conviction leads to a successful
overturning of the verdict.
But
according to guidelines set out by the government in 1994, the appeal
"need not convince the minister of innocence" or even prove "conclusively
that a miscarriage of justice has actually occurred." All that is
needed is a demonstration that "a miscarriage of justice likely
occurred."
Surely,
Steven Truscott's case meets those standards. Mr. Truscott was condemned
at a time when Canadians had an abiding faith in the police and
the courts: They did not err.
Today,
we know differently.
Just
ask Fred Kaufman. A judge with 18 years experience on the bench,
he headed the commission of inquiry into Guy Paul Morin's wrongful
conviction and says the Truscott story strikes a deep chord with
Canadians today for one reason: "There is now a greater awareness
that things can go wrong."
And
that, he says, "lends credibility to a person who has been trying
to clear his name for 40 years. The justice system must not be afraid
to take a second look."
That's
all Mr. Truscott asks.
"What
they did was wrong. And that's all I want them to do -- say that
they were wrong," he told me. "I'm not asking for the world. Go
over all the information. Investigate. Let the people know all the
evidence, and let them judge for themselves. I'm not afraid of that.
Why are they?"
___________________________
Julian Sher is the author of Until You are Dead -- Steven
Truscott's Long Ride Into History (Knopf Canada), with Theresa
Burke as research associate.
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